Sudan: En kompleks borgerkrig

Jeg viser til kronikken mandag 8. september om krigen i Sudan, skrevet av Kristen Fløgstad. Fremstillingen av konflikten slik den ofte gjøres i offentligheten, blir for enkel når den beskrives som en konflikt mellom «afrikanske svarte befolkningsgrupper» og «arabere». 

Krigen i Sudan er langt mer sammensatt. Den handler i hovedsak om en brutal maktkamp mellom Sudans regjeringshær og den paramilitære gruppen Rapid Support Forces (RSF). RSF står bak omfattende overgrep, og sivile rammes på tvers av etniske og regionale grenser. Samtidig trekkes lokale stammer og politiske aktører inn i konflikten gjennom allianser, press eller selvforsvar. 

Det er riktig at arabere utgjør en av flere etnisk grupper i Sudan, men det er misvisende å framstille dette som en ren konflikt mellom «svarte» og «arabere». Sudan er et land der nesten hele befolkningen er svart, og der identitet, lojalitet og maktforhold formes av historiske, politiske og sosiale faktorer – ikke hudfarge alene. Derfor er det avgjørende å stille spørsmålet «hvem er egentlig hvem?» og unngå å bruke forenklede forklaringsmodeller som ikke fanger virkeligheten. 

Konflikten i Sudan kan ikke reduseres til en etnisk todeling. Den må forstås som et komplekst samspill av militære rivaliseringer, tverretnisk og regional mobilisering, historiske spenninger og kampen om ressurser og politisk kontroll. Lidelsene er enorme og rammer bredt. Nettopp derfor er det viktig at folk får et riktig og helhetlig bilde av situasjonen – ikke et forenklet narrativ som tilslører realitetene. 

 Leder, Isha Development Committee Faisal Aligas

Is-faham la’aanta u dhexeysa SSC-Khaatumo iyo Puntland – Fursad dahabi ah oo u baahan aragti wanaagsan.

Is-faham la’aanta u dhexeysa SSC-Khaatumo iyo Puntland – Fursad dahabi ah oo u baahan aragti wanaagsan.SSC-Khaatumo waxay muddo dheer ahayd degaan ay dadkiisu ku dadaalayeen in ay helaan maamul u gaar ah. Inkasta oo ay mar wadajir ula halgameen Puntland, maanta waxaa muuqata in labada dhinac ay kala aragti ka yihiin mustaqbalka siyaasadeed ee SSC. Maanta SSC-Khaatumo waxay rabtaa inay noqoto dowlad-goboleed madax-bannaan oo si toos ah uga tirsan dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya, taasoo ay durba xiriir toos ah la yeelatay. 

Markii ay guulo ka gaareen dagaalkii ay la galeen Somaliland, SSC waxay heshay taageero ballaaran oo dadkeeda ah iyo aqoonsi siyaasadeed. Xukuumadda Puntland se arrintaas si wanaagsan ugama jawaabin, maaddaama ay weli u aragto SSC qayb ka mid ah maamulka Puntland. Waxaa muuqata in Puntland ka welwelsan tahay in arrintaasi ay dhaawacayso saameynteeda siyaasadeed. 

Waxaa jira dhowr sababood oo keentay is-faham la’aanta: 

1. SSC waxay rabtaa inay madax-bannaani buuxda hesho, Puntlandse wali waxay u aragtaa SSC inay ka tirsan tahay. 
2. Dowladda Federaalka ayaa si toos ah ula macaamilaysa SSC, taasoo Puntland u aragto in nidaamka federaalka la jabiyay. 
3. Inkasta oo ay jiraan xiriirro walaaltinimo iyo dhaqan, hadana siyaasadda ayaa dhaawacday kalsoonidii iyo wada-shaqeyntii hore. 

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, SSC-Khaatumo maanta waxay haysataa fursad taariikhi ah: waxay leedahay taageero dadweyne, difaac wanaagsan, iyo xiriir siyaasadeed oo heer qaran ah. Si ay fursaddan uga faa’iideystaan, waa inay ka fogaadaan khilaafyada gudaha iyo muran aan laga maarmin. 

Ugu dambeyntii, SSC iyo Puntland waa inay yeeshaan wadahadal furan, is-ixtiraam, iyo faham qoto dheer. SSC waa inay mideysato dadaalkeeda si ay u gaarto yoolkeeda, Puntlandna waa inay la qabsato xaqiiqooyinka cusub ee ka jira SSC, si walaaltinimada iyo horumarka gobolka loo ilaaliyo. 

Xarunta cilmi barista:  

Isha Peace and Governance Institute (ishapeace.org) 

Laas-Caanood, SSC-Khaatumo, Soomaaliya. 

Falanqayn ku saabsan heshiiska shidaalka Soomaaliya iyo Turkiga:

Laas-caanood, Sabti, 26-ka.abriil.2025: 

Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya iyo Dowladda Turkiga ayaa 7-dii Maarso 2024 magaalada Istanbul ku kala saxiixday heshiis ku saabsan sahminta iyo soo saarista shidaalka iyo gaaska dabiiciga ah ee Soomaaliya. Heshiiskan oo si rasmi ah loo shaaciyey 22-dii Abriil 2025, ayaa faahfaahinaya xuquuqaha iyo waajibaadka labada dhinac. Heshiiska wuxuu qeyb ka yahay istaraatiijiyadda Turkiga ee ballaarinta xiriirka Afrika, iyadoo Soomaaliya loo arko waddan muhiim u ah sababtoo ah xeebta dheer iyo kheyraad dabiici ah oo aan wali la adeegsan. 

Muxuu heshiisku dhigayaa? 

• Turkiga wuxuu heli doonaa 90% shidaalka uu soo saaro sanad kasta, si uu uga bixiyo kharashaadka sahminta iyo soo saarista. Tani waxaa lagu magacaabaa "cost recovery". 
• Soomaaliya waxay heli doontaa 5% (lacag ama shidaal ahaan), taasoo ah qayb aad u yar marka loo eego caadooyinka caalamiga ah ee la midka ah. 
• Turkiga ma bixinayo wax lacag ah markii heshiiska la saxiixayo, sida lacagta saxiixa, horumarka ama kharashaadka maamulka. 
• Turkiga wuxuu xor u yahay inuu shidaalka ama gaaska dhoofiyo, oo uu dakhligaasi si buuxda u qaato, iyadoo aan Soomaaliya si toos ah uga qeyb galin dhaqaalaha laga helo shidaalkaas.
• Shirkadaha Turkiga uma baahna in ay xafiisyo ka furtaan Soomaaliya, waxayna awood u leeyihiin in ay xuquuqaha ay helaan ku wareejiyaan cid kale, iyagoo aan dhanka dowladda Soomaaliya laga xisaabtamin. 
• Haddii muran yimaado, waxaa lagu xallinayaa maxkamad caalami ah oo ku taalla magaalada Istanbul ee dalka Turkiga. 

Maxaa faa’iido ah oo Soomaaliya ka heli karta? 

• Soomaaliya waxay heli kartaa maalgashi, shaqo-abuur iyo khibrad teknoolojiyeed. 
• Waxaa suurtagal ah in Turkiga uu kaalmo ka siiyo dhismaha ciidamada badda iyo sugidda amniga xeebaha. 
• Xiriirka diblomaasiyadeed ee labada dal ayaa sii xoogeysan kara. 

Maxaa khasaaro ah oo ku jira? 

• Qaybta Soomaaliya ka helayso shidaalka oo aad u yar marka loo eego kheyraadka laga faa’iideysanayo. 
• Turkiga ayaa si buuxda u maamuli doona dakhliga shidaalka, iyadoo aan Soomaaliya waxba loo soo bandhigin xisaab ahaan. 
• Soomaaliya ma awooddo in ay si madax-bannaan u xalliso khilaafaadka, maaddaama lagu xallinayo gudaha Turkiga. 
• Ma jirto nidaam sugan oo xaqiijinaya mas’uuliyadda shirkadaha Turkiga iyo ilaalinta deegaanka. 

Gunaanad: Heshiiskan wuxuu Soomaaliya siin karaa fursad ay ku hormariso dhaqaalaha, balse sidoo kale wuxuu xambaarsan yahay halis weyn oo ku saabsan madax-bannaanida maamul iyo kheyraad. Waxaa muhiim ah in dowladda Soomaaliya ay dib u eegto heshiiska, oo ay hubiso in danaha qaranka laga ilaaliyo wax kasta oo dhaawici kara mustaqbalka dhaqaalaha iyo madax-bannaanida kheyraadka dabiiciga ah. 

Diyaariye: Faysal C/raxmaan Cali-Gaas  

Xarunta cilmi barista:  Isha Peace and Governance Institute (ishapeace.org) 

Laas-Caanood, SSC-Khaatumo, Soomaaliya. 

Africa’s long exclusion from Global Trade – Why is the world paying attention now?

  

For most of modern history, Africa has been excluded from the core of global trade. While the rest of the world formed powerful trade blocs and economic alliances, Africa was never given a seat at the table. Instead, it was treated as a source of raw materials and cheap labor, used by empires and foreign powers to extract wealth without building long-term infrastructure or empowering African nations to trade on equal terms. Even today, Africa’s role in global trade remains limited, despite its vast resources and growing population.

This long standing exclusion raises an important question: Why is the world suddenly paying attention now? When U.S. President Donald Trump imposed trade barriers and challenged international cooperation, European leaders responded by saying things like “the world must unite against Trump” to protect free trade and global cooperation. But where was that unity when Africa was left out for decades? When the global economy was designed in a way that benefited wealthy nations, while African countries remained at the bottom of global supply chains?

The truth is, Africa has been marginalized not because it lacked potential, but because the global trade system was never designed to include it. It was created by and for the industrial powers of the Global North, often through colonial legacies, protectionist policies, and unfair trade rules that made it hard for African nations to compete. For years, Africa’s economies were structured around exporting raw materials and importing expensive goods, creating a cycle of dependency and underdevelopment.

But something is beginning to shift.

Africa is no longer waiting to be included. Through initiatives like the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), the continent is starting to build its own path. AfCFTA brings together 54 countries into a unified market of over 1.4 billion people. If it succeeds, it could transform Africa into a powerful economic force, strengthening intra-African trade, increasing local production, and reducing dependency on foreign markets. It marks a historic moment as Africa takes steps to reclaim control over its economic future.

At the same time, global attention toward Africa is growing. This shift is not necessarily due to a new sense of fairness, but because the continent has become strategically important. As the world transitions toward green energy and advanced technologies, demand for critical minerals like lithium, cobalt, and rare earth elements, many of which are found in Africa, is rising rapidly. The continent also holds vast solar energy potential, a young and growing population, and a booming digital economy. Governments, investors, and companies around the world are realizing that Africa holds the key to the future.

Meanwhile, emerging powers like China, India, and Russia are deepening their engagement with African nations through investments, trade deals, and infrastructure projects. This gives African governments more leverage to choose partners, negotiate better terms, and avoid being dominated by any single global power. It creates a more multipolar global landscape in which Africa has the opportunity to assert itself, if it acts strategically and in unity.

However, the road ahead remains challenging. Many African countries still struggle with corruption, weak infrastructure, low industrial capacity, and unequal access to education and technology. To fully benefit from this moment, Africa must invest in good governance, innovation, education, and regional cooperation. It must also focus on adding value to its exports, developing its manufacturing sectors, and presenting a united front in global forums.

In conclusion, Africa was never given a real place in global trade, and this exclusion has lasted for centuries. But now, with internal reforms, shifting global interests, and a rising generation demanding change, a new opportunity has emerged. The world is paying attention, not out of generosity, but because, after economic tensions and trade wars between the U.S. and Europe, Africa has become too important to ignore. The key question is whether Africa will use this moment to gain lasting empowerment, not just to join the global economy on others’ terms, but to reshape it on its own.

Faisal Aligas, International affair

Isha Peace and Governance Institute,

Laas-Caanood, Dowlada Goboleedka SSC-Khaatumo, Soomaaliya.

 

The war against terrorism in Puntland: A battle for the nation.

Terrorism remains one of the greatest threats to Somalia’s stability, progress, and security. While Puntland has been at the forefront of the fight against extremist groups, it is unfortunate that the region stands alone in this critical battle. The war against terrorism in Puntland is not just a battle for one region—it is a fight for the entire Somali nation and the global community. Somalia must stand firm in ensuring that it does not become a breeding ground for extremism, yet the lack of unified national support weakens efforts to eradicate this menace.

The growing threat of terrorism in Puntland

Puntland, a semi-autonomous region in northeastern Somalia, has been a key battleground against terrorist groups like Al-Shabaab and ISIS-affiliated militants. These extremist organizations exploit Somalia’s fragile political situation, weak governance, and economic hardships to expand their influence. They impose draconian laws, commit acts of violence, and threaten the peace and security of ordinary citizens.

Despite Puntland’s commitment to eradicating terrorism, it has received little assistance from the central government. This lack of coordination creates vulnerabilities, allowing terrorists to regroup and continue their destructive activities. Without national unity and comprehensive support, Puntland’s efforts, though commendable, may not be sustainable in the long run.

Puntland’s commitment to counterterrorism

Puntland and SSC-Khaatumo have demonstrated unwavering dedication to combating terrorism through robust security measures, intelligence-sharing, and military operations. The Puntland Security Forces (PSF) have been actively targeting terrorist hideouts, dismantling networks, and preventing the recruitment of young fighters. With the support of international partners, Puntland has managed to weaken extremist groups in key areas, though challenges remain.

In addition to military operations, Puntland has also implemented community engagement initiatives aimed at preventing radicalization. By involving local elders, religious leaders, and educators, the region is working to counter extremist propaganda and promote alternative paths for at-risk youth. However, without national and regional collaboration, these efforts can only achieve limited success.

The consequences of Puntland fighting alone

The fact that Puntland is largely fighting terrorism alone poses serious risks for Somalia as a whole. Terrorism is not confined to one region—it is a national and international threat. If Puntland’s efforts are not reinforced by the central government and other regions, extremist groups may find opportunities to spread their influence elsewhere in the country. This could lead to increased attacks, economic destabilization, and a prolonged security crisis.

Furthermore, without a coordinated national strategy, terrorist groups may exploit divisions between Puntland and the central government. Lack of trust and collaboration weakens the country’s ability to present a united front against a common enemy. A divided Somalia only benefits extremists, who thrive in environments where governance is weak and security forces are fragmented.

The role of the Somali government

The Somali federal government must recognize that the fight against terrorism cannot be left to Puntland alone. A comprehensive national counterterrorism strategy is necessary to ensure that all regions are working together to dismantle terrorist networks. This includes better coordination between Puntland and federal security forces, increased funding for counterterrorism operations, and stronger diplomatic engagement with international partners.

Moreover, the government must address the root causes of extremism, including poverty, unemployment, and lack of education. Many young people join extremist groups not out of ideological conviction, but due to lack of opportunities. A holistic approach that includes economic development, job creation, and educational reforms can help prevent radicalization and offer youth a brighter future.

International Support and Cooperation

Somalia cannot fight terrorism alone. The international community has a vested interest in ensuring stability in the region. Countries such as the United States, the United Kingdom, and Turkey have supported Somalia’s counterterrorism efforts in various ways, including military training, intelligence-sharing, and financial aid. However, more targeted support is needed to strengthen Puntland’s fight against extremism.

Organizations like the African Union Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) and the United Nations should also play a more active role in supporting Puntland’s counterterrorism efforts. This includes increasing logistical support, facilitating dialogue between Puntland and the Somali government, and implementing long-term stabilization programs in affected areas.

A united front against extremism

For Somalia to defeat terrorism, it must stand united. Puntland and SSC-Khaatumo’s fight is not just their own—it is a fight for the nation. The Somali government must step up and work collaboratively with Puntland to ensure a coordinated and effective response to the terrorist threat. Regional cooperation among all Somali states is necessary to prevent extremists from exploiting political and security gaps.

Somali citizens also have a role to play in rejecting extremism and supporting peace-building efforts. Civil society organizations, religious leaders, and community groups must continue their work in promoting tolerance, countering radical narratives, and advocating for policies that address the root causes of terrorism.

Conclusion

The war against terrorism in Puntland is a defining moment for Somalia’s future. Puntland has shown resilience and determination, but it cannot win this battle alone. The Somali government must take decisive action to support Puntland’s efforts, strengthen national security, and ensure that Somalia does not become a breeding ground for extremism. A united Somalia, backed by strong regional and international partnerships, is the only way to secure a peaceful and stable future for all its citizens.

Somalia

How Somalia was destroyed and the actors behind the destruction of Somalia by Ken Menkhaus. Please watch the video carefully. 

“State-Building & Non-State Armed Actors in Somalia,” with Ken Menkhaus

https://youtu.be/QkzDqh9FSB4

Setesdølen: Integreringen som begynte i Grendi

I 1998 kom jeg til Grendi i Setesdalen som flyktning. Jeg fikk en veldig god start på min nye tilværelse i Norge takket være snille, omsorgsfulle og positive mennesker i denne lille bygda. Jeg har siden tenkt mange ganger at jeg har lyst til å takke setesdølene der. I desember 2021 fikk jeg sendt dette av gårde.